Muddled on Democracy: The Case of Honduras

Muddled on Democracy: The Case of Honduras
The Gathering Storm
By Rick Santorum
Posted: Thursday, July 9, 2009

ARTICLE

Publication Date: July 9, 2009

The military-enforced removal of former Honduran President Manuel Zelaya on June 28 has generated a widespread wringing of hands across the globe, as leaders of both nations and international watchdog organizations once again find themselves debating the means and methodsof democratic rule. Does the buck really stop at free and so-called "fair" elections? Or is a certain accountability beyond that initial vote needed for liberal democracies to flourish and protect its citizens?

It appears that the spread of Chavismo has confused the debate, infecting even the international media and U.S. policymakers, too many of whom for too long condemned the removal of the corrupt and reckless Zelaya as a "coup d'état." What we really have going on here is national treason at the highest level, with the very Constitution of Honduras having been flagrantly disregarded by the man elected to defend it. Where was all of the uproar about "democracy" 48 hours before Zelaya was removed from office, when he sidestepped judicial rulings and constitutional law? Last time I checked, being elected "democratically" was no licence to overthrow the law.

Hasty declarations from the U.S. have been damaging, and it has taken too long for the Honduran patriots to get their side of the story out. Hillary Clinton made some mild rhetorical improvements in her press conference on Tuesday, but time will tell what these U.S.-endorsed negotiations with Costa Rican President Oscar Arias produce. In the meantime, I want to present you with the bare facts of the situation as it has progressed since last fall. May they speak for themselves, and may they speak for the Honduran people.

November 11, 2008	Honduran President Manuel Zelaya announces that he is seeking a fourth ballot box to be installed at polling places nationwide for November 29, 2009, one which offers to hold a National Constituent Assembly to draft a new constitution and allow him to run for reelection.
March 24, 2009	Zelaya issues executive decree PCM-05-2009 (without publishing the full text) for the National Statistical Institute to hold the national referendum by June 28, 2009. In Honduras, with a congressional majority the president can amend the constitution without any referendum. However, eight articles, including term limits and process of presidential succession cannot be amended. Because the president can amend 368 of 375 articles without any constituent assembly, it can be assumed that Zelaya's underlying motive is to extend his rule.
Late Spring 2009	The Honduran Armed Forces initially pledge support to the President and commander in chief, providing logistical support for the referendum. Zelaya begins to press for a non-binding survey (commonly referred to as a referendum by the international media), which purports to assess the population's desire for a National Constituent Assembly.
Tuesday, June 23	The Supreme Court of Honduras, Congress, the country's attorney general, and the supreme electoral tribunal oppose the poll. The Honduran army informs the president they will not support the referendum.
Thursday, June 25	The president fires the head of the armed forces, and ignores a Supreme Court ruling ordering him to reinstate five-star General Romeo Vásquez Velásquez. Congress (including Zelaya's own party) begins discussing grounds for impeachment. Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez complains that ''there is a coup d'etat under way in Honduras,'' led by the "retrograde bourgeoisie.''
Friday, June 26	President Zelaya, along with a thousand of his paid activists, drives to the Honduras Air Force base in Tegucigalpa, where the survey's material is being stored (having originally been flown in from Venezuela). Disobeying a court order, Zelaya robs the material and takes it to another location, facing little resistance with the intimidation of his surrounding mob.The Supreme Court orders the military to arrest Zelaya, and authorizes them to enter Zelaya's home to execute the arrest.
Saturday, June 27	Thousands of protesters opposed to Zelaya's rule march through the capital city. The Supreme Court, the Congress, and the military recommend that voters stay home for the sake of safety and fairness.
Sunday, June 28	At 5:30 a.m., President Zelaya is seized by soldiers acting on the orders of the Honduran Supreme Court, and taken to an air force base, before he is exiled to Costa Rica. The Honduran Congress officially votes out Zelaya and replaces him with Roberto Micheletti, the former president of Congress. Venezuela's Hugo Chávez threatens to invade Honduras.
Monday, June 29	Chávez, along with the leaders of Ecuador, Bolivia, and Nicaragua, gather in Managua to discuss the situation. Chavez alludes to his belief that America was involved in the so-called "coup d'état." Guatemala, El Salvador, and Nicaragua announce their plan to suspend overland trade with Honduras for 48 hours. Even U.S. President Barack Obama says that "We believe that the coup was not legal and that President Zelaya remains the President of Honduras." The new Honduran government expresses its resolve to remain in power.
Tuesday, June 30	The UN General Assembly votes unanimously to denounce the coup. The Organization of American States (OAS) holds an emergency session. Thousands of protesters opposed to Zelaya's rule continue to march through Tegucigalpa.
Wednesday, July 1	Zelaya addresses the United Nations, while the OAS Secretary-General threatens to suspend Honduras's membership unless the new government reinstates Zelaya within three days. Honduras's interim president Roberto Micheletti says his government is open to "dialogue" with Manuel Zelaya, but denies the possibility of backing down.
Thursday, July 2	Zelaya meets with leaders from Panama and Venezuela to discuss the coup. Thousands of the new government's supporters march in Sand Pedro Sula, while thousands of Zelaya's supporters gather in Tegucigalpa. The European Union announces its decision to remove all EU ambassadors from Honduras, and the U.S. suspends part of its aid program to Honduras.
Friday, July 3	The OAS president visits Honduras in order to attempt to restore Zelaya to power, but the new Honduran government rejects threats to reinstate Zelaya.
Saturday, July 4	The OAS votes unanimously to suspend Honduras' membership.
Sunday, July 5	The Honduran police block Zelaya, along with the UN president, from flying into Tegucigalpa. At least one person is killed as police disperse the crowds of Zelaya's supporters. Micheletti expresses a desire to negotiate with the OAS.
Monday, July 6	Thousands of Zelaya supporters march to the presidential palace to protest the new government. A group of Honduran businesspeople fly to Washington to advocate for the new government and maintain their trading ability.
Tuesday, July 7	Secretary Clinton meets with Zelaya in Washington, D.C., and announces Zelaya's and Micheletti's acceptance of a U.S.-endorsed mediator, Costa Rican President Oscar Arias, to try to resolve their conflict.
Wednesday, July 8	Zelaya clarifies and says that he has no intention of negotiating with the interim government: "It's simply listening through a mediator...to see how they are planning their departure."